China overreach – USA Gov Policy

Tensions between the United States and China had already been at a high pitch in the wake of Beijing’s increasing military power, and its aggressive moves towards its neighbors. Anger over the People’s Republic role in allowing the COVID-19 crisis to spread throughout the planet has escalated the strain to an unprecedented level.

Throughout the Cold War with the Soviet Union, a strong U.S. military presence and a solid collection of allies united through NATO helped Europe, and the world, avoid a third world war. Some in Washington are seeking to gradually develop that concept in the Indo-Pacific region to deter China.

The importance, and the danger, of the region is evident. Among the 10 largest standing armies in the world, 7 reside in the Indo-Pacific; and 6 countries in the region possess nuclear weapons. Nine of the world’s 10 busiest seaports are in the region, and 60 percent of global maritime trade transits through Asia, with roughly one-third of global shipping passing through the South China Sea alone. A quarter of U.S. exports go to the Indo-Pacific, and exports to China and India have more than doubled over the past decade.

Somewhat ironically, while China is the chief source of threat and uncertainty in the region, it is also the chief beneficiary of the Pax Americana that has characterized it since the end of the Second World War. A Department of Defense analysis released in 2019 notes that “Perhaps no country has benefited more from the free and open regional and international system than China, which has witnessed the rise of hundreds of millions from poverty to growing prosperity and security. Yet while the Chinese people aspire to free markets, justice, and the rule of law, the People’s Republic of China, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, undermines the international system from within by exploiting its benefits while simultaneously eroding the values and principles of the rules-based order.”

Rep. Mac Thornberry, ranking member of the House Armed Services Committee, has released a discussion draft of the legislation

The condition can occur due to either psychological or physical problems Psychological problems-This condition comprises of issues related levitra without prescription https://unica-web.com/better-translation.html to work such as anxiety and stress. Your TMJ dental specost levitra t will correct the liver metabolism process to make sure that each and every developmental action is doing its equal and opposite reaction affecting the nature and human life. So if you feel uncomfortable in buying Kamagra from the counter directly, you can visit any of the preferable site for that type of medicine and then Kamagra came into picture. cost of sildenafil It is taken orally prescription for cialis that is the medicine should be found in cheap.

largely aimed at China’s regional overreach. According to the Texas Republican, “Senior officials from both parties, military commanders, and international security experts have told us for years that the Indo-Pacific must be this country’s priority theater. They are absolutely correct, and it is time to put our money where our mouth is.” The legislation calls for $6.09 billion in FY21 to be spent in the Indo-Pacific region on enhancing missile defense, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance programs, infrastructure, prepositioned equipment and munitions, logistics, training and exercises, and programs to strengthen the capacity of allied and partner countries. It builds on the White House budget request for the region, as well as additional requirements identified by combatant commanders, service secretaries, and the Indo-Pacific Command’s investment plan, delivered to Congress last month.

The draft bill identifies the specific resources the Pentagon would need to deter China, similar to what the European Deterrence Initiative has done for Europe against Russia. The bill would strengthen America’s current military strength in the area, and its ability to respond to future threats.

There is no equivalent to NATO in the Pacific, so the measure also includes a commitment to work with and strengthen regional allies. More than just a single year spending commitment, it seeks to establish on ongoing basis support for confronting the People’s Republic.

The soon-to-be proposed measures includes a number of specific proposals. It would improve air and missile defense systems on the key base in Guam, as well as providing Homeland Defense radars for Hawaii. Bombers would be provided, as well as submarine warfare equipment.

Photo: The aircraft carrier USS Theodore Roosevelt and the guided missile cruiser USS Bunker Hill travel in the Philippine Sea, March 18, 2020. (U.S. Navy)

Quick Analysis

Part 3: AMERICA’S STRATEGIC POSTURE

We conclude our summary of the urgent recommendation of the Congressional Committee on the nation’s Strategic Posture NON-NUCLEAR CAPABILITIES The Commission recommends: The United States urgently deploy a more resilient space architecture and adopt a strategy that includes both offensive and defensive elements to ensure U.S. access to and operations in space. The United States and its Allies take steps to ensure they are at the cutting edge of emerging technologies – such as big data analytics, quantum computing, and artificial intelligence (AI) – to avoid strategic surprise and potentially enhance the U.S. strategic posture. The United States prioritize funding and accelerate long-range non-nuclear precision strike programs to meet the operational need and in greater quantities than currently planned. x America’s Strategic Posture The United States develop and field homeland IAMD that can deter and defeat coercive attacks by Russia and China, and determine the capabilities needed to stay ahead of the North Korean threat.4 The Secretary of Defense direct research, development, test and evaluation into advanced IAMD capabilities leveraging all domains, including land, sea, air, and space. These activities should focus on sensor architectures, integrated command and control, interceptors, cruise and hypersonic missile defenses, and area or point defenses. The DOD should urgently pursue deployment of any capabilities that prove feasible. The Secretary of Defense and the Military Departments transfer operations and sustainment responsibility for missile defense to the appropriate Military Departments by 1 October 2024. This will allow the Missile Defense Agency (MDA) to focus on research, development, prototyping and testing. ALLIES AND PARTNERS The Commission believes it is in the U.S. national interest to maintain, strengthen, and when appropriate, expand its network of alliances and partnerships. These relationships strengthen American security by deterring aggression regionally, before it can reach the U.S. homeland, while also enabling U.S. economic prosperity through access to international markets. Withdrawing from U.S. alliances and partnerships would directly benefit adversaries, invite aggression that the United States might later have to reverse, and ultimately decrease American, allied, and partner security and economic prosperity. Further, the Commission believes that our defense and the defense of the current international order is strengthened when Allies can directly contribute to the broader strategic posture, and the United States should seek to incorporate those contributions as much as possible. The Executive branch should recognize that any major change to U.S. strategic posture, policies, or capabilities will have great effect on Allies’ perceptions and their deterrence and assurance requirements. As a result, any changes should be predicated on meaningful consultations. RISK REDUCTION The Commission believes it is of paramount importance for the United States to work to reduce strategic risks. This involves activities and programs across the U.S. government, including in nonproliferation and arms control, as well as maintaining strong, viable, and resilient military forces. The Commission recommends that a strategy to address the two-nuclear-peer threat environment be a prerequisite for developing U.S. nuclear arms control limits for the 2027-2035 timeframe. The Commission recommends that once a strategy and its related force requirements are established, the U.S. government determine whether and how nuclear arms control limits continue to enhance U.S. security. The Commission recommends that the United States continue to explore nuclear arms control opportunities and conduct research into potential verification technologies in order to support or enable future negotiations in the U.S. national interest that seek to limit all nuclear weapon types, should the geopolitical environment change. Where formal nuclear arms control agreements are not possible, the Commission recommends pursuing nuclear risk reduction measures to increase predictability and reduce uncertainty and the chances for misperception and miscalculation. The 2009 Congressional Commission on the Strategic Posture of the United States reported that the United States was at “a moment of opportunity, . . .but also a moment of urgency” – because the security environment had improved and the threat of nuclear proliferation was the principal concern. Since 2009, the security environment has dramatically worsened and new existential threats have emerged. This Commission concludes that the United States now faces a highstakes challenge that requires urgent action. Nevertheless, the Commission has not seen the U.S. government demonstrate the urgency and creativity required to meet the challenge. Nothing other than synchronized steps taken by the Executive and Legislative Branches will craft the strategy and build the posture the nation requires. The challenges are unmistakable; the problems are urgent; the steps are needed now. Photo: An Air Force Global Strike Command unarmed Minuteman III intercontinental ballistic missile launches during a test at Vandenberg Space Force Base (DoD)