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Unchaining the U.S. military

The White House has stressed that the battle to defeat ISIS will extend beyond the end of the Obama Administration. Former Obama defense secretary Leon Panetta is even more pessimistic. He recently stated that it could take thirty years.

It’s time to ask why.

Since the end of the Second World War, it has become accepted that the United States will only fight using a small part of its military prowess. For struggles in Vietnam and Korea, concern over inciting a larger conflict with the Soviet Union or China was a factor in exercising restraint.  There may have been some validity in that worry, but the reciprocal question must be asked: with America, at the time, probably superior to those powers in armed strength, would not that same concern also have restrained those powers?

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The concept of an enduring, encompassing victory, which motivated allied leadership during the darkest days of the WWII, is no longer in vogue.  Instead, the least necessary force is employed, with concern for collateral damage taking precedent over winning. America’s opponents see that and the strength of the “peace at any price” sentiment in the West as a sign of weakness and use it against the U.S.  Problems are not resolved; they are merely pushed down the road.

Defeating ISIS in Iraq and Syria would not take Panetta’s 30 years if the full force of the United States military, with the exception, of course, of nuclear weapons, were brought to bear, and if that force was employed with the same necessary ruthlessness with which the victories of the Second World War were won. The conflict could be concluded far more rapidly, and in a manner that would discourage further such attempts by Islamic extremists.  It would also serve as a potent deterrent to Iran’s belligerent plans.

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Iraq’s Unnecessary Tragedy

An unnecessary tragedy is unfolding in Iraq.

In 2003, after decades of tyranny and aggression, it appeared that the people of Iraq, a nation long considered an international pariah, would finally have a chance to live free of oppression and war following the overthrow of Saddam Hussein by U.S. led Coalition forces.

Just two years later, the world witnessed one of the most riveting images of the early 21st century, the proud display of “purple thumbs” by those who voted in the Iraqi elections of 2005. But in the universe of Islamic extremism, the concept of a people enjoying freedom is not welcome.  Al Qaeda established a presence, Iran actively inserted its influence, and sectarian fighting became prevalent.

The descent into chaos continued until 2007, when President George W. Bush ordered a “surge” of U.S. forces that restored order in an effort that successfully concluded in 2008.  The people of Iraq finally could live a normal life. As a stable, democratic, and religiously tolerant Muslim nation, Iraq had the opportunity to be the linchpin of a new era of peace and prosperity in the Middle East.
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The opportunity didn’t last long. Fulfilling a campaign promise, President Barack Obama ordered a withdrawal of almost all U.S. forces in 2011. Clearly, their work was unfinished. One of the most serious unfinished tasks was the creation of Iraqi security forces capable of defeating Iranian and al Qaeda forces seeking to replace Iraqi civil society with one based on Muslim extremism.  Chaos ensued.

The disintegration of Iraqi society, mass murders through bombings and gunfire, the overwhelming presence of Iran and al Qaeda, and the end of a chance for a new Middle East came about as a result of the Obama withdrawal.

Al Qaeda is now on the ascendancy, particularly in the western part of the nation. The dire implications for the rest of the Middle East are substantial.